No. 200, Nov. 14-20, 2002

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THIS WEEK'S COMMENTARIES:

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Why I oppose the US ‘war on terror’: an ex-Marine speaks out

UN Resolution 1441

 

 

Why I oppose the US ‘war on terror’: an ex-Marine speaks out

By Chris White

The more I juxtapose logical world opinion with the Bush administration’s actions in the war on terror, I realize one overwhelming theme: hypocrisy. No one in any of the branches of government runs a physical risk to themselves by entering a war with Iraq, and we can bet that none of their family members are at risk, either. That is, until the next “terrorist” attack. I put “terrorist” in quotes because its definition is subjective, and I myself used to be in the Marine Corps, part of the most powerful “terrorist” organization on the planet: the US government. Of course, we never call our operations “terrorism” because every operation is considered legitimate to us. When found guilty by the World Court for violence in Nicaragua, we ignore the decision. Too bad the nations we hurt can’t just ignore what we do to them. When the planet condemns us for killing between 2,500-4,000 people in Panama, we’re too busy planning the next invasion of a country that can’t fight back.

I oppose this war as a US citizen, a veteran, and a doctoral student in history. While my military experience is what first made me skeptical about our government’s motives in the developing world, it wasn’t until I went to college and began reading hundreds of books and thousands of articles that I was able to truly grasp the profundity of our leadership’s contempt for the freedoms they claim to protect. As a rule, we have worked hard to prevent the rise of democracy in the developing world, all the while claiming legitimacy as “the world’s police force” because of our so-called “democratic” values. The hypocrisy is astounding. When one investigates our complicity in death squads, torture, massacres, rape, and mass destruction, one realizes that freedom often threatens the current power structure in this country.

I used to consider those incidents as anomalistic in comparison to the “protection” we offered the planet at seemingly no charge. But then I joined the Marines, and I realized why I had believed in the government- they were experts in manipulation. Barely out of high school, the Corps broke us down and built us up in order to shape us into machines, willing to defend the ideals of the power elites in Washington and corporate America. Just look at the companies, which are funding political campaigns, and benefiting from war: weapons producers, technologies, food, clothing, munitions, oil, pharmaceuticals, etc… US interventions since WWII have not been done in the name of the world’s people (although that is always the claim), but for the preservation of concentrated power. The fact that they have been carried out against the tenets of international law (i.e. the rights of non-intervention and self-determination), in itself deflates their validity. If the US government were held to the FBI’s official definition of terrorism (“the unlawful use of force or violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives”), their list of victims since WWII alone would include:

Cuba, Haiti, Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, Panama, Mexico, Chile, Granada, Colombia, Bolivia, Venezuela, Uruguay, Paraguay, Ecuador, Zaire, Namibia, Lebanon, Egypt, Greece, Cyprus, Bangladesh, Iran, South Africa, the Philippines, Korea, Vietnam, Laos, Iraq, Cambodia, Libya, Israel, Palestine, China, Afghanistan, Sudan, Indonesia, East Timor, Turkey, Angola, Mozambique, and Somalia.

In boot camp, deceit and manipulation accompany the necessity to motivate troops to murder on command. You can’t take civilians from the street, give them machine guns, and expect them to kill without question in a democratic society; therefore people must be indoctrinated to do so. This fact alone should sound off alarms in our collective American brain. If the cause of war is justified, then why do we have to be put through boot camp? If you answer that we have to be trained in killing skills, well, then why is most of boot camp not focused on combat training? Why are privates shown videos of US military massacres while playing Metallica in the background, thus causing us to scream with the joy of the killer instinct as brown bodies are obliterated? Why do privates answer every command with an enthusiastic, “kill!!” instead of, “yes, sir!!” like it is in the movies?

Military indoctrination could be said to prepare men to use disrespect for all living things as a means of destroying the enemy’s morale. Boot camp itself is mostly a series of chaos-surrounded tests of will and strength, meant to eliminate a human being’s ability to feel weakness, in order for military leaders to harness obedience to their orders when it’s time to kill. The topics covered in motivational songs are tools for desensitizing men who would be predisposed to respect women, so as to create an animal within him that can be activated when necessary to carry out any barbaric assignment. An example of these lyrics follows:

“Throw some candy in the school yard, watch the children gather round. Load a belt in your M-60, mow them little bastards down!!” and “We’re gonna rape, kill, pillage and burn, gonna rape, kill, pillage and burn!!” Could the bar be set any higher on the level of atrocities that the military wants its men to be capable of? I say “men” because these kinds of songs are generally not repeated in the presence of women. These chants are meant to motivate the troops; they enjoy it, salivate from it, and get off on it. If one repeats these hundreds of times, one eventually begins to accept them as paradigmatically valid.

The violation of women in war is a weapon, just as are conventional arms. The movie “Casualties of War” illustrates this clearly when actor Sean Penn holds up his rifle and says, “The army calls this a weapon, but it ain’t,” then, grabbing his crotch with the other he says, “This is a weapon.” The movie, based on a true story, involves a small US combat unit that kidnapped, raped, and murdered a Vietnamese woman during the war. I assert that times have not changed with respect to the mentality of sexual assault in the military. Although soldiers are given sensitivity classes that tell the men to respect civilians and especially women, another message pervades everything else one learns and trains for, which effectively obliterates all notions of respect during war. This is generally speaking, of course, but sensitivity inherently conflicts with the identity of a killer, which is what infantrymen are conditioned to be. They are trained to thrive on the blood of humans, and this is used to create a lustful sensation when conditioning for combat.

Wartime rape may be used by men who have convinced themselves that they must be able to do anything to a person in order to be comfortable with participating in the horrific acts that surround them. The extreme nature of war itself seems to breed the mentality that makes people surpass the limits of desired reality. War makes criminals of ordinary men, who can not easily switch off the killer within them when off the battlefield, as the training manuals espouse. This certainly does not excuse the atrocities they commit.

The environment of the military is pervaded by sex. When out in the Fleet Marine Force, sadistic initiation rituals are surrounded by sex and physical pain, often together. Although I never experienced this myself, initiation rituals often force men to fondle other men’s genitals, and devices such as broomsticks are used for rectal insertion. This often happens in the presence of, and with the participation of the higher ranks. The Tail hook scandal of 1991 exposed a ritual dating at least back to 1986, where women naval officers were made to walk a gauntlet of male officers that grabbed their buttocks and breasts. It certainly does not end there. In the case of Okinawa, three men planned every detail of the kidnapping, beating, and rape of a twelve year old girl in advance.

The military’s desensitization against a person’s natural inhibitions to hurt people is a way of toughening them up, or making them “hard core.” Thus, it makes sense that because this is encouraged by superiors, then it should translate into destructive behavior in combat, and to a lesser extent, in peacetime. This is definitely not to say that the soldier is innocent; far from it. But if we subscribe to the concept that one is shaped largely by their environment, then we can largely blame the institutions which have created this particular proclivity within the men who commit these horrible crimes against women, while supposedly serving to defend the freedom of the world. The demonization of the enemy is crucial to wartime planners, and the above examples of indoctrination are relevant to the present. Before carrying out a security exercise in Qatar, my unit went through “Muslim indoctrination” classes. The level of racism was unbelievable. Muslims were referred to as “Ahmed,” “towlheads,” “ragheads,” and “terrorists.” We were told that most Muslim males were homosexual, and that their hygiene was so primitive that we shouldn’t even shake their hands. The object was demonization through feminization and dehumanization, so as to make it easier for us to pull the trigger when ordered to. But Qatar is our ally, so imagine the language being used today in these indoctrination courses about Iraq and Afghanistan. The question is, how can we claim to be intervening out of a desire to protect people that we train troops to feel contempt for? The Iraqi population has suffered countless US supported atrocities over the past eleven years. Not only were between 100 and 200 thousand people killed in 1991, but the bombing has continued ever since then, and sanctions have led to the deaths of possibly 1 million people, in a nation of 17 million. Former UNSCOM execs assert that they destroyed 95-98 percent of Saddam’s weapons by 1998, and that a nuclear weapons capability is extremely unlikely due to their devastated economy. According to this morning’s New York Times, the US reasons that Saddam’s gassing of his own people and his hatred of the US are what warrant our harder stance toward Iraq in comparison to North Korea. While we pursue diplomacy with North Korea (who has admitted to having nukes), we prefer to invade Iraq, who we claim is only looking for nukes. Have we forgotten the 1994 Congressional report revealing that we supplied Saddam with biological and chemical weapons during the 1980s? Although US casualties will be lower than that of Iraq, let’s not forget the danger we are placing squarely on the shoulders of US troops, who have been indoctrinated as I was. Funny how the people who are least likely to go to war are the ones working the hardest to convince others to fight it for them.

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UN Resolution 1441

By Justin Podur

With the passage of UN Security Council Resolution 1441, the US has removed another obstacle in its path to an escalated war against Iraq. Those countries who had been holdouts in the Security Council claim that they went along because their fears were allayed. Syria’s UN ambassador said that they were assured that “this resolution would not be used as a pretext to strike Iraq.” The Russian ambassador said “this resolution deflects the direct threat of war [it] does not contain any provision about the automatic use of force.” France’s ambassador showed less interest in the resolution’s war-preventing properties: “The rules of the game set by the Security Council are clear and demanding. If Iraq wishes to avoid confrontation, it must understand that the opportunity it has been given is the last.”

The resolution itself is full of timelines and deadlines for Iraq:

  • Iraq has until Nov. 15 to pledge that it will comply;
  • Iraq has until Dec. 8 to declare all aspects of its weapons programs to the security council;
  • Inspectors have until Dec. 23 to resume their work, with an advance team in Iraq by Nov.18
  • Inspectors are to report to the security council no later than 60 days after their work-either Jan. 17 or Feb. 21. This means that the last two hurdles in the US’s path are 1) that inspectors have to actually find something, even if that something is just Iraqi “interference,” “obstruction,” “false statements,” or “omissions” and 2) a second meeting of the security council after the inspectors report.

These hurdles will not be difficult to clear. It’s unlikely that Iraq has any weapons of mass destruction, but it is highly likely that inspectors could find evidence of “interference” or “omission” from the Iraqi regime, if they were looking for such evidence. And the resolution’s “early test” is designed to produce exactly such evidence: “United Nations weapons inspectors plan to force an early test of Saddam Hussein’s intentions by demanding a comprehensive list of weapons sites and checking whether it matches a list of more than 100 priority sites derived from the findings of previous weapons inspections and the latest intelligence culled from defectors and other sources by American and other intelligence experts.” (NYT, Nov. 10, 2002). As for the outcome the US is looking for, that, too, is no secret: “Many administration officials say they would far prefer a bold rebuff by Mr. Hussein, rather than have him seem to cooperate but actually try to run out the clock with evasions and confusing tactics in the hope that support for war will subside.”

It has been clear from the moment the focus of attention in the “war on terror” shifted from Osama bin Laden to Saddam Hussein that inspections for weapons of mass destruction, in this context and at this time, had only one purpose: to provide a pretext for the US to attack Iraq. The idea of inspecting countries for weapons of mass destruction and disarming them is of course a good one, and no one could oppose such inspections on principle. But the timing of these inspections, the fact that the US would “far prefer a bold rebuff by Mr. Hussein” to cooperation, shows what the inspections are really about.

Serious approaches to disarmament of countries with weapons of mass destruction would have to include many more countries than just Iraq, and should probably start with the country most heavily armed with such weapons: the United States. Such an approach is nowhere near the US, or the UN, agenda. The purpose of these inspections is to find a reason to attack Iraq.

After the inspectors do their job of finding “omission” or “interference,” the next step, obtaining authorization from the Security Council for the use of force, will not be any more difficult than obtaining resolution 1441 was: a matter of bribing, promising, and threatening the members into line. This time around, France’s cooperation was probably bought with assurances that France wouldn’t lose out when Iraq’s oil concessions are handed out after the war, Russia with promises of diplomatic support for its own war on terror against the Chechens. To learn how the US wins the consent of smaller, weaker countries than France or Russia, a look at preparations for the 1990/91 wars is instructive. Back then, the US offered carrots:
“Egypt was the most indebted country in Africa. [US Secretary of State Jim] Baker bribed President Mubarak with $14billion in ‘debt forgiveness’ and all opposition to the attack on Iraq faded away. Syria’s bribe was different; Washington gave President Hafez al-Assad the green light to wipe out all opposition to Syria’s rule in Lebanon. To help him achieve this, a billion dollars’ worth of arms was made available through a variety of back doors, mostly Gulf states.”

And sticks:

“Minutes after Yemen voted against the resolution to attack Iraq, a senior American diplomat told the Yemeni ambassador: ‘That was the most expensive “no” vote you ever cast.’ Within three days, a US aid program of $70million to one of the world’s poorest countries was stopped. Yemen suddenly had problems with the World Bank and the IMF [International Monetary Fund]; and 800,000 Yemeni workers were expelled from Saudi Arabia.” (see John Pilger, ‘Diplomacy?’ <http://www.zmag.org>

The activities of the US military, meanwhile, suggest that the US interprets resolution 1441 as a green light to go to war. The US is proceeding to build up its attack forces in the most deliberate and methodical way. There are the 10,000 troops in Afghanistan; 16,000 on carriers in the Gulf area; 11,000 in Kuwait; 5,000 in Saudi Arabia; 4,500 in Bahrain; 4,000 in Qatar; 2,500 in Uzbekistan, and smaller numbers elsewhere -- 63,000 troops at last count, and building. These troops, meanwhile, pose a “dilemma” for the US:

“On the one hand, they must avoid rushing too many invasion forces to the Persian Gulf region, where troops could end up sitting and waiting while inspections play out, risking losses in efficiency and morale and straining relations with Arab host countries. On the other hand, they must ensure that enough forces are in place to keep the pressure on the Iraqi government and to respond rapidly should inspections fail or should Iraqi President Saddam Hussein provoke a conflict.” (Washington Post, Nov. 9, 2002).

In other words, the US is worried that its soldiers might get bored sitting around waiting for the green light to destroy a helpless country. But, a senior Army officer sees a silver lining to the resolution: “This delay might help to get some equipment in place”. The plan is to go from 63,000 to 250,000 troops before the war starts. The New York Times described the war plan in loving detail. “Under the plan, the air campaign would be less than the 43 days of the first gulf war, and probably under a month, military officials said. In the opening hours of the air campaign, Navy and Air Force jets, including B-2 bombers carrying 16 one-ton satellite-guided bombs and B-1 bombers carrying 24 of the same weapons, would attack a range of targets from military headquarters to air defenses.” (NYT, Nov. 9, 2002). The NYT also assured its readers that any civilians killed in the war would be blamed on Iraq, with the following amazing line: “Mr. Bush hinted at another concern, that the Iraqi government would purposefully sacrifice its population to stain an American military victory with civilian blood.” The US is afraid of Iraqi “volunteers [who] would hope to slow the American-led offensive by acting as suicide bombers or fighting in neighborhood defense squads, but their true strategic goal would be to generate anti-American feelings in the region.”

Notice that it isn’t the civilian blood itself that is of concern, but that it might be used to “stain an American military victory’. Notice too that there is no fear of Iraq’s military might, only fear that the US war might be such a massacre that it will lead to ‘anti-American feelings in the region.”

Civilian blood is of no consequence to those who are planning this war and ruling this world. The million Iraqis who have died so far since the Gulf War that started in 1990 and never really ended are proof of their depravity. The unanimous vote for Resolution 1441 is proof of their power. The only hope for stopping the war resides in those for whom civilian blood matters for reasons more than it being a “stain on American military victory.”

Resolution 1441 shows that the US has the diplomatic support it needs to go to war. But diplomatic support from governments and elites will not be enough if there is enough resistance and protest from ordinary people. In Sept. 2002, George W. Bush threatened the United Nations with “irrelevance” if it didn’t support his war. The reverse is true: the UN demonstrates its irrelevance when it makes decisions that the people of the world are against. Whatever the UN Security Council does, the people of the world are not irrelevant.

People who cannot be persuaded to trade human lives for oil concessions, who won’t accept a slaughter of civilians simply because the elites of the states who vote in the United Nations were bribed and threatened into signing off on the war, can mobilize to stop the war. If US war plans have been slowed at all, it has been because of them -- the tens of thousands mobilizing in the US, the hundreds of thousands mobilizing in Europe and all over the world.

Source: ZNet

 

 

 

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