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Seeing the system: Alan Greenspan,
unemployment, and the validation of radical analysis
By Tim Wise
"What’s the difference between a radical
and a liberal?” It is a question I’m regularly asked at lectures,
usually by college students struggling with their own sense
of the world, trying desperately to figure out where they stand
on the seemingly endless spectrum from right to left. Often
it is put to me by College Democrat types: folks who are frustrated
by their party’s lack of commitment to social and economic justice,
but who can’t quite bring themselves to break with the group
they consider the only alternative to the far right.
Usually, I answer the question in the fairly predictable
way: by explaining that at the most basic level, the difference
between radicals and liberals is one of focus, and where one
places the crux of the problem for our current predicament,
whatever that might be. In terms of economics, liberals tend
to believe that the larger system of which we are a part is
basically just, and that injustices and negative goings-on within
that system are mere unintended consequences of an otherwise
well-oiled and beneficent machine: a little tinkering here,
a little reform there, perhaps a little more money for those
at the bottom, and everything will basically be OK.
On the other hand, the radical believes that the
system itself is the problem: in terms of economics this means
that the system of profit does not create hardship as the unfortunate
sidelight of an otherwise warm- and-fuzzy social order; rather,
we believe that the pain experienced by people under such a
system is very much inherent to that system, and is in fact
required by it in order to function. People are out of work
in such a system, and thus poor and even destitute, not because
the system is breaking down; but indeed, because it is working
exactly as intended.
Now at first, this is an analysis that most don’t
want to accept. And that’s no surprise, as “seeing the system”
goes against everything most of us have been taught since we
were young: the idea that one can be whatever one wants if one
simply tries hard enough and plays by the rules. The notion
of the US as a pure meritocracy where individual failings are
just that —individual, is a very seductive ideological posture,
and one that few have ever subjected to real challenge. The
good thing for those of us who are radicals however, is that
every now and then we get a little help in proving the larger
point from the most unlikely of sources, and this week was no
exception. For as I write this, Americans have just been told
that we must brace for a ratcheting up of interest rates: three
times in one day as we enter May, and another likely hike in
the middle of the month. And why? Well, as Federal Reserve Chair
Alan Greenspan explains, the economy is too healthy, unemployment
has fallen too low, and wages --God forbid-- have started to
inch upward for too many, thereby raising the specter of dreaded
price hikes. As such, it has now become necessary according
to the worldview of the Fed --one that is shared by all major
players in both the Democratic and Republican parties and certainly
by their Presidential candidates-- to raise the cost of borrowing
money, thereby cooling off the expansion and hiring spree, and
perhaps even nudging the unemployment numbers back up a bit.
But wait: what was that? Intentionally slowing
down job and wage growth? Intentionally doing something to push
unemployment up --and thus, put folks out of work? Exactly right,
and thus, it is Alan Greenspan who has demonstrated this week
the accuracy of radical analysis as to the nature of the economy
under which we labor and live. This former devotee of the market-worshipping,
pseudo-intellectual cultist, Ayn Rand, now demonstrates clearly
that pain and suffering, low wages and poverty are not the result
of individual moral failings or a decline in the Protestant
work ethic, but rather, are built-in to the nature of modern
capitalism. The fact that wages for most workers are still at
lower real dollar values than they were in the late 1970’s,
or that most of the wage gains have been at the top of the employment
structure and that over 40 million working people still lack
health insurance is of no consequence: according to Greenspan,
things are too good for too many people, and now it is time
to tighten our monetary belt. But what does it all mean, outside
the confines of economists’ models and reserve bank meeting
rooms?
Well consider this: when the Labor Department
says the unemployment rate is 3.9 percent --the current official
rate and a 30-year low-- this is hardly an accurate depiction
of the joblessness picture in the US. After all, the official
unemployment rate doesn’t include those who have grown so discouraged
by their job prospects that they’ve stopped looking for work,
nor does it include the many who work only seasonally and so
they don’t actively seek employment for much of the year, nor
does it count those persons who are able to pull down only a
handful of hours —perhaps temping— and instead counts these
as if they were every bit as employed as the full-time salaried
employee. If these persons were counted in the official unemployment/underemployment
rate, the number of such folks would at least double, coming
to around 8%, or perhaps even as high as 10%. That the Labor
Department does in fact keep this number --called the U-7 rate
but never reported to the general population-- is only further
confirmation that the propaganda system in this land requires
intentional obfuscation of the true state of economic affairs.
And so it is essentially a matter of official monetary policy
to maintain unemployment at around 8-10% of the potential workforce
--around 9-11 million people in all-- so as to keep the economy
from “overheating,” which really means to keep wages from rising
too high, thereby forcing companies to either raise prices or
suffer a loss of profitability as workers pocket more of the
value produced by their output. If we assume that many of these
9-11 million unemployed and underemployed persons have dependents,
and that lacking steady income they likely also lack bankable
wealth-producing reserves to call on in hard times, it is fair
to estimate that over 20 million Americans are stuck in the
ranks of the poor and near-poor thanks to the conscious decisions
of economic elites to keep them there.
The doors that this simple and readily apparent
fact of American life has the power to open are substantial:
after all, if people are out of work and poor (and thus, often
in need of public assistance) because of a deliberate economic
policy; and if, indeed, the destitution of these individuals
is something which is required so that the rest of us may enjoy
lower prices by maintaining a certain degree of slackness in
labor markets, then not only should we not disparage the poor
for their poverty, but indeed, we should perhaps consider them
among our most noble citizens: sacrificing their own good for
the well-being of us all.
To witness what the Fed is doing this summer to
interest rates —all because workers are supposedly doing too
well— is to witness perhaps one of the central organizing issues
of the new decade: simply put, that working people are hurting
and will continue to hurt in this system so long as the interests
of the owning class are put ahead of those of everyone else.
As long as jobs and wages are seen as zero-sum games --and profit
maximization seen as the penultimate goal of a national economic
policy-- working people will continue to be played off against
one another, rotating in and out of financial instability. To
highlight the structural nature of economic hardship —and the
Fed’s actions make this much easier for radicals to do effectively—
is to provide a new way of discussing so many of our most vexing
political and social issues. It is to allow citizens to potentially
rethink their stereotypical and negative views about the poor,
about people of color (blamed for “taking” jobs from whites),
and the real sources of whatever pain and insecurity they may
be experiencing in their lives. It is to launch a frontal assault
against the myth of meritocracy and the “magic” of the marketplace,
and it is to make clear the overlapping worldviews of the two
dominant political parties in America: a clarity that will be
desperately needed if we are ever to build an effective alternative
to the status quo.
So this week, let those of us who are radicals
do something we probably never expected to find ourselves doing:
thanking Alan Greenspan for making the nature of our economic
beast more apparent than any army of sociologists could ever
hope to do. And let us go forward, using the facts pulled from
the very headlines of the mainstream press, as we strive to
make the public “see the system” for what it is so they may
join in an effort to replace it.
Source:
Znet: zmag.org
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